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"IMMORTALE DEI" |
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ENCYCLICAL OF POPE LEO XIII November 1, 1885 |
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ON THE CHRISTIAN CONSTITUTION OF STATES |
To Our Venerable Brethren the Patriarchs, Primates,
Archbishops, Bishops, and other Ordinaries in Peace and
Communion with the Apostolic See.
The Catholic Church, that imperishable handiwork of our all-merciful
God, has for her immediate and natural purpose the saving of souls and
securing our happiness in heaven. Yet, in regard to things temporal, she
is the source of benefits as manifold and great as if the chief end of
her existence were to ensure the prospering of our earthly life. And,
indeed, wherever the Church has set her foot she has straightway changed
the face of things, and has attempered the moral tone of the people with
a new civilization and with virtues before unknown. All nations which
have yielded to her sway have become eminent by their gentleness, their
sense of justice, and the glory of their high deeds.
2. And yet a hackneyed reproach of old date is levelled against her,
that the Church is opposed to the rightful aims of the civil government,
and is wholly unable to afford help in spreading that welfare and
progress which justly and naturally are sought after by every
well-regulated State. From the very beginning Christians were harassed
by slanderous accusations of this nature, and on that account were held
up to hatred and execration, for being (so they were called) enemies of
the Empire. The Christian religion was moreover commonly charged with
being the cause of the calamities that so frequently befell the State,
whereas, in very truth, just punishment was being awarded to guilty
nations by an avenging God. This odious calumny, with most valid reason,
nerved the genius and sharpened the pen of St. Augustine, who, notably
in his treatise, The City of God, set forth in so bright a light the
worth of Christian wisdom in its relation to the public wealth that he
seems not merely to have pleaded the cause of the Christians of his day,
but to have refuted for all future times impeachments so grossly
contrary to truth. The wicked proneness, however, to levy like charges
and accusations has not been lulled to rest. Many, indeed, are they who
have tried to work out a plan of civil society based on doctrines other
than those approved by the Catholic Church. Nay, in these latter days a
novel conception of law has begun here and there to gain increase and
influence, the outcome, as it is maintained, of an age arrived at full
stature, and the result of progressive liberty. But, though endeavours
of various kinds have been ventured on, it is clear that no better mode
has been devised for the building up and ruling the State than that
which is the necessary growth of the teachings of the Gospel. We deem
it, therefore, of the highest moment, and a strict duty of Our apostolic
office, to contrast with the lessons taught by Christ the novel theories
now advanced touching the State. By this means We cherish hope that the
bright shining of the truth may scatter the mists of error and doubt, so
that one and all may see clearly the imperious law of life which they
are bound to follow and obey.
3. It is not difficult to determine what would be the form and character
of the State were it governed according to the principles of Christian
philosophy. Man's natural instinct moves him to live in civil society,
for he cannot, if dwelling apart, provide himself with the necessary
requirements of life, nor procure the means of developing his mental and
moral faculties. Hence, it is divinely ordained that he should lead his
life-be it family, or civil-with his fellow men, amongst whom alone his
several wants can be adequately supplied. But, as no society can hold
together unless some one be over all, directing all to strive earnestly
for the common good, every body politic must have a ruling authority,
and this authority, no less than society itself, has its source in
nature, and has, consequently, God for its Author. Hence, it follows
that all public power must proceed from God. For God alone is the true
and supreme Lord of the world. Everything, without exception, must be
subject to Him, and must serve him, so that whosoever holds the right to
govern holds it from one sole and single source, namely, God, the
sovereign Ruler of all. "There is no power but from God."(1)
4. The right to rule is not necessarily, however, bound up with any
special mode of government. It may take this or that form, provided only
that it be of a nature of the government, rulers must ever bear in mind
that God is the paramount ruler of the world, and must set Him before
themselves as their exemplar and law in the administration of the State.
For, in things visible God has fashioned secondary causes, in which His
divine action can in some wise be discerned, leading up to the end to
which the course of the world is ever tending. In like manner, in civil
society, God has always willed that there should be a ruling authority,
and that they who are invested with it should reflect the divine power
and providence in some measure over the human race.
5. They, therefore, who rule should rule with evenhanded justice, not as
masters, but rather as fathers, for the rule of God over man is most
just, and is tempered always with a father's kindness. Government
should, moreover, be administered for the well-being of the citizens,
because they who govern others possess authority solely for the welfare
of the State. Furthermore, the civil power must not be subservient to
the advantage of any one individual or of some few persons, inasmuch as
it was established for the common good of all. But, if those who are in
authority rule unjustly, if they govern overbearingly or arrogantly, and
if their measures prove hurtful to the people, they must remember that
the Almighty will one day bring them to account, the more strictly in
proportion to the sacredness of their office and preeminence of their
dignity. "The mighty shall be mightily tormented."(2) Then, truly, will
the majesty of the law meet with the dutiful and willing homage of the
people, when they are convinced that their rulers hold authority from
God, and feel that it is a matter of justice and duty to obey them, and
to show them reverence and fealty, united to a love not unlike that
which children show their parents. "Let every soul be subject to higher
powers."(3) To despise legitimate authority, in whomsoever vested, is
unlawful, as a rebellion against the divine will, and whoever resists
that, rushes willfully to destruction. "He that resisteth the power
resisteth the ordinance of God, and they that resist, purchase to
themselves damnation."(4) To cast aside obedience, and by popular
violence to incite to revolt, is therefore treason, not against man
only, but against God.
6. As a consequence, the State, constituted as it is, is clearly bound
to act up to the manifold and weighty duties linking it to God, by the
public profession of religion. Nature and reason, which command every
individual devoutly to worship God in holiness, because we belong to Him
and must return to Him, since from Him we came, bind also the civil
community by a like law. For, men living together in society are under
the power of God no less than individuals are, and society, no less than
individuals, owes gratitude to God who gave it being and maintains it
and whose ever-bounteous goodness enriches it with countless blessings.
Since, then, no one is allowed to be remiss in the service due to God,
and since the chief duty of all men is to cling to religion in both its
reaching and practice-not such religion as they may have a preference
for, but the religion which God enjoins, and which certain and most
clear marks show to be the only one true religion -it is a public crime
to act as though there were no God. So, too, is it a sin for the State
not to have care for religion as a something beyond its scope, or as of
no practical benefit; or out of many forms of religion to adopt that one
which chimes in with the fancy; for we are bound absolutely to worship
God in that way which He has shown to be His will. All who rule,
therefore, would hold in honour the holy name of God, and one of their
chief duties must be to favour religion, to protect it, to shield it
under the credit and sanction of the laws, and neither to organize nor
enact any measure that may compromise its safety. This is the bounden
duty of rulers to the people over whom they rule. For one and all are we
destined by our birth and adoption to enjoy, when this frail and
fleeting life is ended, a supreme and final good in heaven, and to the
attainment of this every endeavour should be directed. Since, then, upon
this depends the full and perfect happiness of mankind, the securing of
this end should be of all imaginable interests the most urgent. Hence,
civil society, established for the common welfare, should not only
safeguard the well-being of the community, but have also at heart the
interests of its individual members, in such mode as not in any way to
hinder, but in every manner to render as easy as may be, the possession
of that highest and unchangeable good for which all should seek.
Wherefore, for this purpose, care must especially be taken to preserve
unharmed and unimpeded the religion whereof the practice is the link
connecting man with God.
7. Now, it cannot be difficult to find out which is the true religion,
if only it be sought with an earnest and unbiased mind; for proofs are
abundant and striking. We have, for example, the fulfilment of
prophecies, miracles in great numbers, the rapid spread of the faith in
the midst of enemies and in face of overwhelming obstacles, the witness
of the martyrs, and the like. From all these it is evident that the only
true religion is the one established by Jesus Christ Himself, and which
He committed to His Church to protect and to propagate.
8. For the only-begotten Son of God established on earth a society which
is called the Church, and to it He handed over the exalted and divine
office which He had received from His Father, to be continued through
the ages to come. "As the Father hath sent Me, I also send you."'
"Behold I am with you all days, even to the consummation of the
world."(6) Consequently, as Jesus Christ came into the world that men
"might have life and have it more abundantly,"(7) so also has the Church
for its aim and end the eternal salvation of souls, and hence it is so
constituted as to open wide its arms to all mankind, unhampered by any
limit of either time or place. "Preach ye the Gospel to every
creature."(8)
9. Over this mighty multitude God has Himself set rulers with power to
govern, and He has willed that one should be the head of all, and the
chief and unerring teacher of truth, to whom He has given "the keys of
the kingdom of heaven."(9) "Feed My lambs, feed My sheep."(10) "I have
prayed for thee that thy faith fail not."(11)
10. This society is made up of men, just as civil society is, and yet is
supernatural and spiritual, on account of the end for which it was
founded, and of the means by which it aims at attaining that end. Hence,
it is distinguished and differs from civil society, and, what is of
highest moment, it is a society chartered as of right divine, perfect in
its nature and in its title, to possess in itself and by itself, through
the will and loving kindness of its Founder, all needful provision for
its maintenance and action. And just as the end at which the Church aims
is by far the noblest of ends, so is its authority the most exalted of
all authority, nor can it be looked upon as inferior to the civil power,
or in any manner dependent upon it.
11. In very truth, Jesus Christ gave to His Apostles unrestrained
authority in regard to things sacred, together with the genuine and most
true power of making laws, as also with the twofold right of judging and
of punishing, which flow from that power. "All power is given to Me in
heaven and on earth: going therefore teach all nations . . . teaching
them to observe all things whatsoever I have commanded you."(12) And in
another place: "If he will not hear them, tell the Church."(13) And
again: "In readiness to revenge all disobedience."(14) And once more:
"That . . . I may not deal more severely according to the power which
the Lord bath given me, unto edification and not unto destruction."(15)
Hence, it is the Church, and not the State, that is to be man's guide to
heaven. It is to the Church that God has assigned the charge of seeing
to, and legislating for, all that concerns religion; of teaching all
nations; of spreading the Christian faith as widely as possible; in
short, of administering freely and without hindrance, in accordance with
her own judgment, all matters that fall within its competence.
12. Now, this authority, perfect in itself, and plainly meant to be
unfettered, so long assailed by a philosophy that truckles to the State,
the Church, has never ceased to claim for herself and openly to
exercise. The Apostles themselves were the first to uphold it, when,
being forbidden by the rulers of the synagogue to preach the Gospel,
they courageously answered: "We must obey God rather than men."(16) This
same authority the holy Fathers of the Church were always careful to
maintain by weighty arguments, according as occasion arose, and the
Roman Pontiffs have never shrunk from defending it with unbending
constancy. Nay, more, princes and all invested with power to rule have
themselves approved it, in theory alike and in practice. It cannot be
called in question that in the making of treaties, in the transaction of
business matters, in the sending and receiving ambassadors, and in the
interchange of other kinds of official dealings they have been wont to
treat with the Church as with a supreme and legitimate power. And,
assuredly, all ought to hold that it was not without a singular
disposition of God's providence that this power of the Church was
provided with a civil sovereignty as the surest safeguard of her
independence.
13. The Almighty, therefore, has given the charge of the human race to
two powers, the ecclesiastical and the civil, the one being set over
divine, and the other over human, things. Each in its kind is supreme,
each has fixed limits within which it is contained, limits which are
defined by the nature and special object of the province of each, so
that there is, we may say, an orbit traced out within which the action
of each is brought into play by its own native right. But, inasmuch as
each of these two powers has authority over the same subjects, and as it
might come to pass that one and the same thing-related differently, but
still remaining one and the same thing-might belong to the jurisdiction
and determination of both, therefore God, who foresees all things, and
who is the author of these two powers, has marked out the course of each
in right correlation to the other. "For the powers that are, are
ordained of God."!(17) Were this not so, deplorable contentions and
conflicts would often arise, and, not infrequently, men, like travellers
at the meeting of two roads, would hesitate in anxiety and doubt, not
knowing what course to follow. Two powers would be commanding contrary
things, and it would be a dereliction of duty to disobey either of the
two.
14. But it would be most repugnant to them to think thus of the wisdom
and goodness of God. Even in physical things, albeit of a lower order,
the Almighty has so combined the forces and springs of nature with
tempered action and wondrous harmony that no one of them clashes with
any other, and all of them most fitly and aptly work together for the
great purpose of the universe. There must, accordingly, exist between
these two powers a certain orderly connection, which may be compared to
the union of the soul and body in man. The nature and scope of that
connection can be determined only, as We have laid down, by having
regard to the nature of each power, and by taking account of the
relative excellence and nobleness of their purpose. One of the two has
for its proximate and chief object the well-being of this mortal life;
the other, the everlasting joys of heaven. Whatever, therefore in things
human is of a sacred character, whatever belongs either of its own
nature or by reason of the end to which it is referred, to the salvation
of souls, or to the worship of God, is subject to the power and judgment
of the Church. Whatever is to be ranged under the civil and political
order is rightly subject to the civil authority. Jesus Christ has
Himself given command that what is Caesar's is to be rendered to Caesar,
and that what belongs to God is to be rendered to God.
15. There are, nevertheless, occasions when another method of concord is
available for the sake of peace and liberty: We mean when rulers of the
State and the Roman Pontiff come to an understanding touching some
special matter. At such times the Church gives signal proof of her
motherly love by showing the greatest possible kindliness and
indulgence.
16. Such, then, as We have briefly pointed out, is the Christian
organization of civil society; not rashly or fancifully shaped out, but
educed from the highest and truest principles, confirmed by natural
reason itself.
17. In such organization of the State there is nothing that can be
thought to infringe upon the dignity of rulers, and nothing unbecoming
them; nay, so far from degrading the sovereign power in its due rights,
it adds to it permanence and luster. Indeed, when more fully pondered,
this mutual co-ordination has a perfection in which all other forms of
government are lacking, and from which excellent results would flow,
were the several component parts to keep their place and duly discharge
the office and work appointed respectively for each. And, doubtless, in
the constitution of the State such as We have described, divine and
human things are equitably shared; the rights of citizens assured to
them, and fenced round by divine, by natural, and by human law; the
duties incumbent on each one being wisely marked out, and their
fulfilment fittingly insured. In their uncertain and toilsome journey to
the everlasting city all see that they have safe guides and helpers on
their way, and are conscious that others have charge to protect their
persons alike and their possessions, and to obtain or preserve for them
everything essential for their present life. Furthermore, domestic
society acquires that firmness and solidity so needful to it from the
holiness of marriage, one and indissoluble, wherein the rights and
duties of husband and wife are controlled with wise justice and equity;
due honour is assured to the woman; the authority of the husband is
conformed to the pattern afforded by the authority of God; the power of
the father is tempered by a due regard for the dignity of the mother and
her offspring; and the best possible provision is made for the
guardianship, welfare, and education of the children.
18. In political affairs, and all matters civil, the laws aim at
securing the common good, and are not framed according to the delusive
caprices and opinions of the mass of the people, but by truth and by
justice; the ruling powers are invested with a sacredness more than
human, and are withheld from deviating from the path of duty, and from
overstepping the bounds of rightful authority; and the obedience is not
the servitude of man to man, but submission to the will of God,
exercising His sovereignty through the medium of men. Now, this being
recognized as undeniable, it is felt that the high office of rulers
should be held in respect; that public authority should be constantly
and faithfully obeyed; that no act of sedition should be committed; and
that the civic order of the commonwealth should be maintained as sacred.
19. So, also, as to the duties of each one toward his fellow men, mutual
forbearance, kindliness, generosity are placed in the ascendant; the man
who is at once a citizen and a Christian is not drawn aside by
conflicting obligations; and, lastly, the abundant benefits with which
the Christian religion, of its very nature, endows even the mortal life
of man are acquired for the community and civil society. And this to
such an extent that it may be said in sober truth: "The condition of the
commonwealth depends on the religion with which God is worshipped; and
between one and the other there exists an intimate and abiding
connection."(18)
20. Admirably, according to his wont, does St. Augustine, in many
passages, enlarge upon the nature of these advantages; but nowhere more
markedly and to the point than when he addresses the Catholic Church in
the following words: "Thou dost teach and train children with much
tenderness, young men with much vigour, old men with much gentleness; as
the age not of the body alone, but of the mind of each requires. Women
thou dost subject to their husbands in chaste and faithful obedience,
not for the gratifying of their lust, but for bringing forth children,
and for having a share in the family concerns. Thou dost set husbands
over their wives, not that they may play false to the weaker sex, but
according to the requirements of sincere affection. Thou dost subject
children to their parents in a kind of free service, and dost establish
parents over their children with a benign rule. . . Thou joinest
together, not in society only, but in a sort of brotherhood, citizen
with citizen, nation with nation, and the whole race of men, by
reminding them of their common parentage. Thou teachest kings to look to
the interests of their people, and dost admonish the people to be
submissive to their kings. With all care dost thou teach all to whom
honour is due, and affection, and reverence, and fear, consolation, and
admonition and exhortation, and discipline, and reproach, and
punishment. Thou showest that all these are not equally incumbent on
all, but that charity is owing to all, and wrongdoing to none."(19) And
in another place, blaming the false wisdom of certain time-serving
philosophers, he observes: "Let those who say that the teaching of
Christ is hurtful to the State produce such armies as the maxims of
Jesus have enjoined soldiers to bring into being; such governors of
provinces; such husbands and wives; such parents and children; such
masters and servants; such kings; such judges, and such payers and
collectors of tribute, as the Christian teaching instructs them to
become, and then let them dare to say that such teaching is hurtful to
the State. Nay, rather will they hesitate to own that this discipline,
if duly acted up to, is the very mainstay of the commonwealth."(20)
21. There was once a time when States were governed by the philosophy of
the Gospel. Then it was that the power and divine virtue of Christian
wisdom had diffused itself throughout the laws, institutions, and morals
of the people, permeating all ranks and relations of civil society.
Then, too, the religion instituted by Jesus Christ, established firmly
in befitting dignity, flourished everywhere, by the favour of princes
and the legitimate protection of magistrates; and Church and State were
happily united in concord and friendly interchange of good offices. The
State, constituted in this wise, bore fruits important beyond all
expectation, whose remembrance is still, and always will be, in renown,
witnessed to as they are by countless proofs which can never be blotted
out or ever obscured by any craft of any enemies. Christian Europe has
subdued barbarous nations, and changed them from a savage to a civilized
condition, from superstition to true worship. It victoriously rolled
back the tide of Mohammedan conquest; retained the headship of
civilization; stood forth in the front rank as the leader and teacher of
all, in every branch of national culture; bestowed on the world the gift
of true and many-sided liberty; and most wisely founded very numerous
institutions for the solace of human suffering. And if we inquire how it
was able to bring about so altered a condition of things, the answer
is-beyond all question, in large measure, through religion, under whose
auspices so many great undertakings were set on foot, through whose aid
they were brought to completion.
22. A similar state of things would certainly have continued had the
agreement of the two powers been lasting. More important results even
might have been justly looked for, had obedience waited upon the
authority, teaching, and counsels of the Church, and had this submission
been specially marked by greater and more unswerving loyalty. For that
should be regarded in the light of an ever-changeless law which No of
Chartres wrote to Pope Paschal II: "When kingdom and priesthood are at
one, in complete accord, the world is well ruled, and the Church
flourishes, and brings forth abundant fruit. But when they are at
variance, not only smaller interests prosper not, but even things of
greatest moment fall into deplorable decay."(21)
23. But that harmful and deplorable passion for innovation which was
aroused in the sixteenth century threw first of all into confusion the
Christian religion, and next, by natural sequence, invaded the precincts
of philosophy, whence it spread amongst all classes of society. From
this source, as from a fountain-head, burst forth all those later tenets
of unbridled license which, in the midst of the terrible unheavals of
the last century, were wildly conceived and boldly proclaimed as the
principles and foundation of that new conception of law which was not
merely previously unknown, but was at variance on many points with not
only the Christian, but even the natural law.
24. Amongst these principles the main one lays down that as all men are
alike by race and nature, so in like manner all are equal in the control
of their life; that each one is so far his own master as to be in no
sense under the rule of any other individual; that each is free to think
on every subject just as he may choose, and to do whatever he may like
to do; that no man has any right to rule over other men. In a society
grounded upon such maxims all government is nothing more nor less than
the will of the people, and the people, being under the power of itself
alone, is alone its own ruler. It does choose, nevertheless, some to
whose charge it may commit itself, but in such wise that it makes over
to them not the right so much as the business of governing, to be
exercised, however, in its name.
25. The authority of God is passed over in silence, just as if there
were no God; or as if He cared nothing for human society; or as if men,
whether in their individual capacity or bound together in social
relations, owed nothing to God; or as if there could be a government of
which the whole origin and power and authority did not reside in God
Himself. Thus, as is evident, a State becomes nothing but a multitude
which is its own master and ruler. And since the people is declared to
contain within itself the spring-head of all rights and of all power, it
follows that the State does not consider itself bound by any kind of
duty toward God. Moreover, it believes that it is not obliged to make
public profession of any religion; or to inquire which of the very many
religions is the only one true; or to prefer one religion to all the
rest; or to show to any form of religion special favour; but, on the
contrary, is bound to grant equal rights to every creed, so that public
order may not be disturbed by any particular form of religious belief.
26. And it is a part of this theory that all questions that concern
religion are to be referred to private judgment; that every one is to be
free to follow whatever religion he prefers, or none at all if he
disapprove of all. From this the following consequences logically flow:
that the judgment of each one's conscience is independent of all law;
that the most unrestrained opinions may be openly expressed as to the
practice or omission of divine worship; and that every one has unbounded
license to think whatever he chooses and to publish abroad whatever he
thinks.
27. Now, when the State rests on foundations like those just named-and
for the time being they are greatly in favor-it readily appears into
what and how unrightful a position the Church is driven. For, when the
management of public business is in harmony with doctrines of such a
kind, the Catholic religion is allowed a standing in civil society equal
only, or inferior, to societies alien from it; no regard is paid to the
laws of the Church, and she who, by the order and commission of Jesus
Christ, has the duty of teaching all nations, finds herself forbidden to
take any part in the instruction of the people. With reference to
matters that are of twofold jurisdiction, they who administer the civil
power lay down the law at their own will, and in matters that appertain
to religion defiantly put aside the most sacred decrees of the Church.
They claim jurisdiction over the marriages of Catholics, even over the
bond as well as the unity and the indissolubility of matrimony. They lay
hands on the goods of the clergy, contending that the Church cannot
possess property. Lastly, they treat the Church with such arrogance
that, rejecting entirely her title to the nature and rights of a perfect
society, they hold that she differs in no respect from other societies
in the State, and for this reason possesses no right nor any legal power
of action, save that which she holds by the concession and favor of the
government. If in any State the Church retains her own agreement
publicly entered into by the two powers, men forthwith begin to cry out
that matters affecting the Church must be separated from those of the
State.
28. Their object in uttering this cry is to be able to violate
unpunished their plighted faith, and in all things to have unchecked
control. And as the Church, unable to abandon her chiefest and most
sacred duties, cannot patiently put up with this, and asks that the
pledge given to her be fully and scrupulously acted up to, contentions
frequently arise between the ecclesiastical and the civil power, of
which the issue commonly is that the weaker power yields to the one
which is stronger in human resources.
29. Accordingly, it has become the practice and determination under this
condition of public polity (now so much admired by many) either to
forbid the action of the Church altogether, or to keep her in check and
bondage to the State. Public enactments are in great measure framed with
this design. The drawing up of laws, the administration of State
affairs, the godless education of youth, the spoliation and suppression
of religious orders, the overthrow of the temporal power of the Roman
Pontiff, all alike aim to this one end-to paralyse the action of
Christian institutions, to cramp to the utmost the freedom of the
Catholic Church, and to curtail her ever single prerogative.
30. Now, natural reason itself proves convincingly that such concepts of
the government of a State are wholly at variance with the truth. Nature
itself bears witness that all power, of every kind, has its origin from
God, who is its chief and most august source.
31. The sovereignty of the people, however, and this without any
reference to God, is held to reside in the multitude; which is doubtless
a doctrine exceedingly well calculated to flatter and to inflame many
passions, but which lacks all reasonable proof, and all power of
insuring public safety and preserving order. Indeed, from the prevalence
of this teaching, things have come to such a pass that may hold as an
axiom of civil jurisprudence that seditions may be rightfully fostered.
For the opinion prevails that princes are nothing more than delegates
chosen to carry out the will of the people; whence it necessarily
follows that all things are as changeable as the will of the people, so
that risk of public disturbance is ever hanging over our heads. To hold,
therefore, that there is no difference in matters of religion between
forms that are unlike each other, and even contrary to each other, most
clearly leads in the end to the rejection of all religion in both theory
and practice. And this is the same thing as atheism, however it may
differ from it in name. Men who really believe in the existence of God
must, in order to be consistent with themselves and to avoid absurd
conclusions, understand that differing modes of divine worship involving
dissimilarity and conflict even on most important points cannot all be
equally probable, equally good, and equally acceptable to God.
32. So, too, the liberty of thinking, and of publishing, whatsoever each
one likes, without any hindrance, is not in itself an advantage over
which society can wisely rejoice. On the contrary, it is the
fountain-head and origin of many evils. Liberty is a power perfecting
man, and hence should have truth and goodness for its object. But the
character of goodness and truth cannot be changed at option. These
remain ever one and the same, and are no less unchangeable than nature
itself. If the mind assents to false opinions, and the will chooses and
follows after what is wrong, neither can attain its native fullness, but
both must fall from their native dignity into an abyss of corruption.
Whatever, therefore, is opposed to virtue and truth may not rightly be
brought temptingly before the eye of man, much less sanctioned by the
favor and protection of the law. A well-spent life is the only way to
heaven, whither all are bound, and on this account the State is acting
against the laws and dictates of nature whenever it permits the license
of opinion and of action to lead minds astray from truth and souls away
from the practice of virtue. To exclude the Church, founded by God
Himself, from life, from laws, from the education of youth, from
domestic society is a grave and fatal error. A State from which religion
is banished can never be well regulated; and already perhaps more than
is desirable is known of the nature and tendency of the so-called civil
philosophy of life and morals. The Church of Christ is the true and sole
teacher of virtue and guardian of morals. She it is who preserves in
their purity the principles from which duties flow, and, by setting
forth most urgent reasons for virtuous life, bids us not only to turn
away from wicked deeds, but even to curb all movements of the mind that
are opposed to reason, even though they be not carried out in action.
33. To wish the Church to be subject to the civil power in the exercise
of her duty is a great folly and a sheer injustice. Whenever this is the
case, order is disturbed, for things natural are put above things
supernatural; the many benefits which the Church, if free to act, would
confer on society are either prevented or at least lessened in number;
and a way is prepared for enmities and contentions between the two
powers, with how evil result to both the issue of events has taught us
only too frequently.
34. Doctrines such as these, which cannot be approved by human reason,
and most seriously affect the whole civil order, Our predecessors the
Roman Pontiffs (well aware of what their apostolic office required of
them) have never allowed to pass uncondemned. Thus, Gregory XVI in his
encyclical letter Mirari Vos, dated August 15, 1832, inveighed with
weighty words against the sophisms which even at his time were being
publicly inculcated-namely, that no preference should be shown for any
particular form of worship; that it is right for individuals to form
their own personal judgments about religion; that each man's conscience
is his sole and all-sufficing guide; and that it is lawful for every man
to publish his own views, whatever they may be, and even to conspire
against the State. On the question of the separation of Church and State
the same Pontiff writes as follows: "Nor can We hope for happier results
either for religion or for the civil government from the wishes of those
who desire that the Church be separated from the State, and the concord
between the secular and ecclesiastical authority be dissolved. It is
clear that these men, who yearn for a shameless liberty, live in dread
of an agreement which has always been fraught with good, and
advantageous alike to sacred and civil interests." To the like effect,
also, as occasion presented itself, did Pius IX brand publicly many
false opinions which were gaining ground, and afterwards ordered them to
be condensed in summary form in order that in this sea of error
Catholics might have a light which they might safely follow.(22)
35. From these pronouncements of the Popes it is evident that the origin
of public power is to be sought for in God Himself, and not in the
multitude, and that it is repugnant to reason to allow free scope for
sedition. Again, that it is not lawful for the State, any more than for
the individual, either to disregard all religious duties or to hold in
equal favour different kinds of religion; that the unrestrained freedom
of thinking and of openly making known one's thoughts is not inherent in
the rights of citizens, and is by no means to be reckoned worthy of
favour and support. In like manner it is to be understood that the
Church no less than the State itself is a society perfect in its own
nature and its own right, and that those who exercise sovereignty ought
not so to act as to compel the Church to become subservient or subject
to them, or to hamper her liberty in the management of her own affairs,
or to despoil her in any way of the other privileges conferred upon her
by Jesus Christ. In matters, however, of mixed jurisdiction, it is in
the highest degree consonant to nature, as also to the designs of God,
that so far from one of the powers separating itself from the other, or
still less coming into conflict with it, complete harmony, such as is
suited to the end for which each power exists, should be preserved
between them.
36. This, then, is the teaching of the Catholic Church concerning the
constitution and government of the State. By the words and decrees just
cited, if judged dispassionately, no one of the several forms of
government is in itself condemned, inasmuch as none of them contains
anything contrary to Catholic doctrine, and all of them are capable, if
wisely and justly managed, to insure the welfare of the State. Neither
is it blameworthy in itself, in any manner, for the people to have a
share greater or less, in the government: for at certain times, and
under certain laws, such participation may not only be of benefit to the
citizens, but may even be of obligation. Nor is there any reason why any
one should accuse the Church of being wanting in gentleness of action or
largeness of view, or of being opposed to real and lawful liberty. The
Church, indeed, deems it unlawful to place the various forms of divine
worship on the same footing as the true religion, but does not, on that
account, condemn those rulers who, for the sake of securing some great
good or of hindering some great evil, allow patiently custom or usage to
be a kind of sanction for each kind of religion having its place in the
State. And, in fact, the Church is wont to take earnest heed that no one
shall be forced to embrace the Catholic faith against his will, for, as
St. Augustine wisely reminds us, "Man cannot believe otherwise than of
his own will."
37. In the same way the Church cannot approve of that liberty which
begets a contempt of the most sacred laws of God, and casts off the
obedience due to lawful authority, for this is not liberty so much as
license, and is most correctly styled by St. Augustine the "liberty of
self ruin," and by the Apostle St. Peter the "cloak of malice."(23)
Indeed, since it is opposed to reason, it is a true slavery, "for
whosoever committeth sin is the slave of sin."(24) On the other hand,
that liberty is truly genuine, and to be sought after, which in regard
to the individual does not allow men to be the slaves of error and of
passion, the worst of all masters; which, too, in public administration
guides the citizens in wisdom and provides for them increased means of
well-being; and which, further, protects the State from foreign
interference.
38. This honourable liberty, alone worthy of human beings, the Church
approves most highly and has never slackened her endeavour to preserve,
strong and unchanged, among nations. And, in truth, whatever in the
State is of chief avail for the common welfare; whatever has been
usefully established to curb the license of rulers who are opposed to
the true interests of the people, or to keep in check the leading
authorities from unwarrantably interfering in municipal or family
affairs; whatever tends to uphold the honour, manhood, and equal rights
of individual citizens-of all these things, as the monuments of past
ages bear witness, the Catholic Church has always been the originator,
the promoter, or the guardian. Ever, therefore, consistent with herself,
while on the one hand she rejects that exorbitant liberty which in
individuals and in nations ends in license or in thraldom, on the other
hand, she willingly and most gladly welcomes whatever improvements the
age brings forth, if these really secure the prosperity of life here
below, which is, as it were, a stage in the journey to the life that
will know no ending.
39. Therefore, when it is said that the Church is hostile to modern
political regimes and that she repudiates the discoveries of modern
research, the charge is a ridiculous and groundless calumny. Wild
opinions she does repudiate, wicked and seditious projects she does
condemn, together with that attitude of mind which points to the
beginning of a willful departure from God. But, as all truth must
necessarily proceed from God, the Church recognizes in all truth that is
reached by research a trace of the divine intelligence. And as all truth
in the natural order is powerless to destroy belief in the teachings of
revelation, but can do much to confirm it, and as every newly discovered
truth may serve to further the knowledge or the praise of God, it
follows that whatsoever spreads the range of knowledge will always be
willingly and even joyfully welcomed by the Church. She will always
encourage and promote, as she does in other branches of knowledge, all
study occupied with the investigation of nature. In these pursuits,
should the human intellect discover anything not known before, the
Church makes no opposition. She never objects to search being made for
things that minister to the refinements and comforts of life. So far,
indeed, from opposing these she is now, as she ever has been, hostile
alone to indolence and sloth, and earnestly wishes that the talents of
men may bear more and more abundant fruit by cultivation and exercise.
Moreover, she gives encouragement to every kind of art and handicraft,
and through her influence, directing all strivings after progress toward
virtue and salvation, she labours to prevent man's intellect and
industry from turning him away from God and from heavenly things.
40. All this, though so reasonable and full of counsel, finds little
favour nowadays when States not only refuse to conform to the rules of
Christian wisdom, but seem even anxious to recede from them further and
further on each successive day. Nevertheless, since truth when brought
to light is wont, of its own nature, to spread itself far and wide, and
gradually take possession of the minds of men, We, moved by the great
and holy duty of Our apostolic mission to all nations, speak, as We are
bound to do, with freedom. Our eyes are not closed to the spirit of the
times. We repudiate not the assured and useful improvements of our age,
but devoutly wish affairs of State to take a safer course than they are
now taking, and to rest on a more firm foundation without injury to the
true freedom of the people; for the best parent and guardian of liberty
amongst men is truth. "The truth shall make you free."(25)
41. If in the difficult times in which Our lot is cast, Catholics will
give ear to Us, as it behoves them to do, they will readily see what are
the duties of each one in matters of opinion as well as action. As
regards opinion, whatever the Roman Pontiffs have hitherto taught, or
shall hereafter teach, must be held with a firm grasp of mind, and, so
often as occasion requires, must be openly professed.
42. Especially with reference to the so-called "liberties" which are so
greatly coveted in these days, all must stand by the judgment of the
apostolic see, and have the same mind. Let no man be deceived by the
honest outward appearance of these liberties, but let each one reflect
whence these have had their origin, and by what efforts they are
everywhere upheld and promoted. Experience has made Us well acquainted
with their results to the State, since everywhere they have borne fruits
which the good and wise bitterly deplore. If there really exist
anywhere, or if we in imagination conceive, a State, waging wanton and
tyrannical war against Christianity, and if we compare with it the
modern form of government just described, this latter may seem the more
endurable of the two. Yet, undoubtedly, the principles on which such a
government is grounded are, as We have said, of a nature which no one
can approve.
43. Secondly, action may relate to private and domestic matters, or to
matters public. As to private affairs, the first duty is to conform life
and conduct to the gospel precepts, and to refuse to shrink from this
duty when Christian virtue demands some sacrifice slightly more
difficult to make. A(I, moreover, are bound to love the Church as their
common mother, to obey her laws, promote her honour, defend her rights,
and to endeavour to make her respected and loved by those over whom they
have authority. It is also of great moment to the public welfare to take
a prudent part in the business of municipal administration, and to
endeavour above all to introduce effectual measures, so that, as becomes
a Christian people, public provision may be made for the instruction of
youth in religion and true morality. Upon these things the well-being of
every State greatly depends.
44. Furthermore, it is in general fitting and salutary that Catholics
should extend their efforts beyond this restricted sphere, and give
their attention to national politics. We say "in general" because these
Our precepts are addressed to all nations. However, it may in some
places be true that, for most urgent and just reasons, it is by no means
expedient for Catholics to engage in public affairs or to take an active
part in politics. Nevertheless, as We have laid down, to take no share
in public matters would be as wrong as to have no concern for, or to
bestow no labour upon, the common good, and the more so because
Catholics are admonished, by the very doctrines which they profess, to
be upright and faithful in the discharge of duty, while, if they hold
aloof, men whose principles offer but small guarantee for the welfare of
the State will the more readily seize the reins of government. This
would tend also to the injury of the Christian religion, forasmuch as
those would come into power who are badly disposed toward the Church,
and those who are willing to befriend her would be deprived of all
influence.
45. It follows clearly, therefore, that Catholics have just reasons for
taking part in the conduct of public affairs. For in so doing they
assume not nor should they assume the responsibility of approving what
is blameworthy in the actual methods of government, but seek to turn
these very methods, so far as is possible, to the genuine and true
public good, and to use their best endeavours at the same time to
infuse, as it were, into all the veins of the State the healthy sap and
blood of Christian wisdom and virtue. The morals and ambitions of the
heathens differed widely from those of the Gospel, yet Christians were
to be seen living undefiled everywhere in the midst of pagan
superstition, and, while always true to themselves, coming to the front
boldly wherever an opening was presented. Models of loyalty to their
rulers, submissive, so far as was permitted, to the sovereign power,
they shed around them on every side a halo of sanctity; they strove to
be helpful to their brethren, and to attract others to the wisdom of
Jesus Christ, yet were bravely ready to withdraw from public life, nay,
even to lay down their life, if they could not without loss of virtue
retain honours, dignities, and offices. For this reason, Christian ways
and manners speedily found their way not only into private houses but
into the camp, the senate, and even into the imperial palaces. "We are
but of yesterday," wrote Tertullian, "yet we swarm in all your
institutions, we crowd your cities, islands, villages, towns,
assemblies, the army itself, your wards and corporations, the palace,
the senate, and the law courts."(26) So that the Christian faith, when
once it became lawful to make public profession of the Gospel, appeared
in most of the cities of Europe, not like an infant crying in its
cradle, but already grown up and full of vigour.
46. In these Our days it is well to revive these examples of Our
forefathers. First and foremost, it is the duty of all Catholics worthy
of the name and wishful to be known as most loving children of the
Church, to reject without swerving whatever is inconsistent with so fair
a title; to make use of popular institutions, so far as can honestly be
done, for the advancement of truth and righteousness; to strive that
liberty of action shall not transgress the bounds marked out by nature
and the law of God; to endeavour to bring back all civil society to the
pattern and form of Christianity which We have described. It is barely
possible to lay down any fixed method by which such purposes are to be
attained, because the means adopted must suit places and times widely
differing from one another. Nevertheless, above all things, unity of aim
must be preserved, and similarity must be sought after in all plans of
action. Both these objects will be carried into effect without fail if
all will follow the guidance of the apostolic see as their rule of life
and obey the bishops whom the Holy Spirit has placed to rule the Church
of God.(27) The defense of Catholicism, indeed, necessarily demands that
in the profession of doctrines taught by the Church all shall be of one
mind and all steadfast in believing; and care must be taken never to
connive, in any way, at false opinions, never to withstand them less
strenuously than truth allows. In mere matters of opinion it is
permissible to discuss things with moderation, with a desire of
searching into the truth, without unjust suspicion or angry
recriminations.
47. Hence, lest concord be broken by rash charges, let this be
understood by all, that the integrity of Catholic faith cannot be
reconciled with opinions verging on naturalism or rationalism, the
essence of which is utterly to do away with Christian institutions and
to install in society the supremacy of man to the exclusion of God.
Further, it is unlawful to follow one line of conduct in private life
and another in public, respecting privately the authority of the Church,
but publicly rejecting it; for this would amount to joining together
good and evil, and to puttingman in conflict with himself; whereas he
ought always to be consistent, and never in the least point nor in any
condition of life to swerve from Christian virtue.
48. But in matters merely political, as, for instance, the best form of
government, and this or that system of administration, a difference of
opinion is lawful. Those, therefore, whose piety is in other respects
known, and whose minds are ready to accept in all obedience the decrees
of the apostolic see, cannot in justice be accounted as bad men because
they disagree as to subjects We have mentioned; and still graver wrong
will be done them, if-as We have more than once perceived with
regret-they are accused of violating, or of wavering in, the Catholic
faith.
49. Let this be well borne in mind by all who are in the habit of
publishing their opinions, and above all by journalists. In the
endeavour to secure interests of the highest order there is no room for
intestine strife or party rivalries; since all should aim with one mind
and purpose to make safe that which is the common object of all-the
maintenance of religion and of the State. If, therefore, they have
hitherto been dissensions, let them henceforth be gladly buried in
oblivion. If rash or injurious acts have been committed, whoever may
have been at fault, let mutual charity make amends, and let the past be
redeemed by a special submission of all to the apostolic see. In this
way Catholics will attain two most excellent results: they will become
helpers to the Church in preserving and propagating Christian wisdom,
and they will confer the greatest benefit on civil society, the safety
of which is exceedingly imperiled by evil teachings and bad passions.
50. This, venerable brethren, is what We have thought it Our duty to
expound to all nations of the Catholic world touching the Christian
constitution of States and the duties of individual citizens. It behoves
Us now with earnest prayer to implore the protection of heaven,
beseeching God, who alone can enlighten the minds of men and move their
will, to bring about those happy ends for which We yearn and strive, for
His greater glory and the general salvation of mankind. As a happy
augury of the divine benefits, and in token of Our paternal benevolence,
to you, venerable brothers, and to the clergy and to the whole people
committed to your charge and vigilance, We grant lovingly in the Lord
the apostolic benediction.
Given at St. Peter's in Rome, the first day of November, 1885, the
seventh year of Our pontificate.
LEO XIII
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REFERENCES:
1. Rom. 13:1.
2. Wisd. 6:7.
3. Rom. 13:1.
4. Rom. 13:2.
5. John 20:21.
6. Matt. 28:20.
7. John 10:10.
8. Mark 16:15.
9. Matt. 16:19.
10. John 21:16-17.
11. Luke 22:32.
12. Matt. 28:18-20.
13. Matt. 18:12.
14. 2 Cor. 10:6.
15. 2 Cor. 13:10.
16. Acts 5:29.
17. Rom. 13:1.
18. Sacr. Imp. ad Cyrillum Alexand. et Episcopos metrop.; See Labbeus,
Collect. Conc., Vol. 3.
19. De moribus ecclesiae, 1, cap. 30, n. 63 (PL 32, 1336).
20. Epist. 138 ad Marcellinum, cap. 2, n. 15 (PL 33, 532).
21. Epist. 238, to Pope Paschal II (PL 162, 246B).
22. Pope Pius IX, encyclical Quanta Cura (Dec. 8, 1864): Syllabus. It
will suffice to indicate a few of them: Prop. 19. The Church is not a
true, perfect, and wholly independent society, possessing in its own
unchanging rights conferred upon it by its divine Founder; but it is for
the civil power to determine what are the rights of the Church, and the
limits within which it may use them. Prop. 29. The State, as the origin
and source of all rights, enjoys a right that is unlimited. Prop. 55.
The Church must be separated from the Stare and the State from the
Church. Prop. 79. It is unture that the civil liberty of every form of
worship, and the full power given to all of openly and publicly
manifesting whatsoever opinions and thoughts, lead to the more ready
corruption of the minds and morals of the people, and to the spread of
the plague of religious indifference.
23. 1 Peter 2:16.
24. John 8:34.
25. John 8:32.
26. Apoplget, 27 (P4 1, 525).
27. Acts 20:28.